Why is the situation in Iraq so complicated?
All across the United States, partial answers abound. We have too few troops, or too many. We’re not investing heavily enough. We’re spending lavishly on the wrong things. We don’t have a plan. We have too many plans. The Iraqis themselves aren’t ready for peace. We should have removed Saddam years ago. It was the wrong war with the wrong motives. We should have built a stronger international coalition. We need better leadership. Somebody — the media, the liberals, the Europeans, the youth — is undermining public support.
On two points, however, everyone seems to agree. The first is that if we erect the twin pillars of Western society — democracy and free enterprise — the Iraqis will gravitate to them, law and order will replace chaos, and the economy will respond. If we establish, in other words, the core elements of Western values, Iraq will prosper.
The second and darker point is that whatever we do seems to draw resentment. Increasingly, Americans are asking the question made popular by the events of 9/11: Why do they hate us so much?
These two points may be related. Perhaps Iraqis aren’t falling all over themselves to embrace Western culture because they resent the values that come with it.
An insightful new poll lends credence to that view. Published by Gallup on November 25, it achieved something virtually impossible until this year: It used a Western organization to conduct face-to-face interviews with 1,178 Baghdad residents, in their homes and without government interference. The results were remarkably candid, especially around one question: What, if anything, do you most resent about the West?
Some complained about the drug culture. Others said the West was arrogant toward Arabs. Still others said families in the West were disintegrating. And there were complaints that the West never takes serious action against Israel. But none of these answers got more than 6 percent of the response.
Topping the list at 36 percent, by contrast, were the responses that condemned the West’s moral standards. They focused on what Gallup interviewers called “pornography/immorality/fornication.” That was followed by the complaint that Western “traditions and cultural norms are totally different from Islamic ones” (19 percent) and that Western societies exhibit “excessive freedom and liberality” (17 percent).
Taken together, these answers indicate that Iraqis aren’t rejecting the West on political, economic, or military grounds. They’re not saying, “You have nasty elections,” “You exploit poor workers,” or “You’re shooting our people.” The rejection is clearly related to moral values. What most troubles average Iraqis, it seems, is the perceived decadence of the West. Rather than objecting to “such material issues as economic deprivations or perceived exploitation,” writes Gallup’s international bureau chief, Richard Burkholder, “respondents were far more likely to point to issues that relate directly to moral and religious values.”
That will make some Americans laugh outright. Human rights, civil rights, women’s rights, property rights, petty corruption — in area after area, they will say, Iraqi values lag far behind those in the West. However true that may be, it’s not the point. If Americans are going to ask why they are hated, they need to listen to candid replies. We may not like what we hear. In fact, we may be so enchanted by our deep-dyed pragmatism and so averse to any probing introspection about ourselves and our futures, that we dismiss the answers out of hand.
But what we’re hearing is not just the debate between two sets of moral values. We’re hearing the objection that the West doesn’t really think this whole topic of moral values matters very much. What we’re really being asked is, Do we really care about our values? Do we really think they make a difference? Or are they pleasant options that we add on later if we have opportunity? Are we happier just blasting along toward material prosperity regardless of the moral consequences?
I’m persuaded that, despite the recent litany of corporate scandals and personal malfeasance, Western nations still rest on a bedrock of goodness. But I worry that we don’t always act as though that bedrock matters. We may never persuade rank-and-file Iraqis to stand on that foundation, but we at least need to articulate more clearly not just the financial and political reasons for our presence in Iraq, but the ethical reasons. We need to pursue our goals in Iraq as though the moral conditions were essential elements of our strategy — since, at least among Gallup’s respondents in Baghdad, they really are.
(c)2003 Institute for Global Ethics