It’s one thing to avoid unethical behavior. It’s something else to avoid even the appearance of such behavior. That distinction showed up in sharp relief during last week’s flap over the testimony of Richard A. Clarke.
Mr. Clarke, who served presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush as counterterrorism chief, told the commission investigating the 9/11 terrorist attacks that the Bush administration largely ignored the threat to the United States posed by al Qaeda. Predictably, his testimony enraged the commission’s Republicans and delighted its Democrats. But as he marshaled details and dates to support his conclusions and as he apologized directly to the families of 9/11 victims for the fact that “those entrusted with protecting you failed you,” he seemed to many viewers to speak with sincerity, authority, and credibility.
So he had the opportunity to be what the nation most needs: an objective political expert. Why are such creatures so rare? Because politics has its own version of Heisenberg’s famous indeterminacy principle. That principle of quantum mechanics says that you can know either the speed or the position of a particle in space, but not both. Its counterpart in politics would suggest that you can have either expertise or objectivity, but not both. The reason: Nonpartisan observers working outside the political fray don’t really know what’s happening on the inside — while those with inside knowledge are rarely free from partisan leanings. Objective political expertise is pure gold.
At times like this in our nation’s history, that gold is hugely valuable. The findings of the 9/11 commission will influence counterterrorism policy for years to come. Was al Qaeda merely fortunate in penetrating the defenses of an underzealous nation or are we up against an enemy of inordinate potency? If it’s the former, the nation needs to get its act together. If it’s the latter, the nation needs an entirely new act. These are two strikingly different policy options. Determining which is nearer the right may save thousands of lives. Despite this being an election year, this is no time for partisan bickering, political posturing, or electioneering. Just now we desperately need the pure gold of objective expertise.
If Mr. Clarke missed the opportunity to become that gold, it wasn’t for lack of moral courage. Speaking truth to power, even in a democracy, is rarely risk-free. Nor was it from any overtly unethical behavior. Even if inconsistencies appear between his views last week and his earlier support of the Bush administration’s post-9/11 approach, he might plausibly argue that his views have changed on mature reflection. Changing one’s mind is not, after all, prima facie evidence of unethical behavior.
No, what undermined Mr. Clarke’s efficacy was the appearance of unethical behavior. However he positions himself, he cannot now avoid the suspicion that he used his testimony before the commission to sell his new book, Against All Enemies: Inside America’s War on Terror. On learning of his appointment to testify, his publisher, Simon & Schuster, got him onto the CBS television program “60 Minutes” on Sunday, March 21. The next day his book was released, a week ahead of schedule. On Wednesday, Mr. Clarke testified. By Thursday, his book was the top seller on Amazon.com.
It’s certainly true, as his supporters say, that the book was written already and the topic already hot. It’s also true that former public officials deserve to be compensated well for sharing useful reflections in book-length formats. But it’s equally true that Mr. Clarke, until last week, had hardly any name recognition. So if last Wednesday’s testimony had been unremarkable, his book might have fizzled. In other words, he had every personal reason to stir up controversy and get noticed. And when the too-good-to-be-true opportunity presented itself — the chance for extensive national media coverage just as the book is about to appear — he took it.
And that’s where the appearances are so important. The most valuable gift Mr. Clarke could have offered the nation would have been his unique perspective untainted by any suspicion of self-dealing. On substantive matters, he may well be right. Maybe history will agree with his assessment of the Bush administration. But that’s not the point. Saying what’s right is one thing. Being heard, understood, and credited is something else.
Good codes of ethics focus on ethical behavior. Great ones focus, in addition, on the appearance of ethics. When the appearance fights with the ethics, as it did last week before the 9/11 commission, truth itself is sometimes the victim.
(c)2004 Institute for Global Ethics