Public Says Character Trumps Position for Presidential Hopefuls
Mar 26th, 2007 • Posted in: Statline

Why would drivers buy radar detectors if they didn’t intend to exceed speed limits? Why would students patronize websites selling term papers if they didn’t plan to plagiarize? Why would taxicab passengers specially request blank receipts if they didn’t propose to cheat on their expenses?
You’ll hear excuses, of course: “It just reminds me not to speed.” “I’m only using the site for research.” “It’s quicker than having the cabbie fill it in.”
All of these can sound reasonable — sort of — when you’re mired in the details, down there in the weeds of rationalization. But come on. From the 50,000-foot view, there’s not a lot going on but plain, old-fashioned chicanery. Let’s admit that each of these actions, perfectly legal in themselves, almost always supports an illegal or unethical intent.
To this odd list we can now, as of last week, add another example: Why would White House officials agree to testify to a congressional committee — but only without permitting any transcript of their testimony, and not under oath — if they didn’t intend to deceive?
Sure, when you get down into the political and constitutional weeds, the controversy over the recent firing of eight U.S. attorneys by the Justice Department can be explained. President George W. Bush’s resistance to the congressional investigation of this matter is part of a broader effort to reinforce the authority of the presidency, which he feels has been eroded since Watergate. That authority, as expressed in the concept of executive privilege, has an important role in the balance of power between Congress and the White House. Akin to the fabled attorney-client privilege, executive privilege allows presidents to solicit frank and unvarnished advice from aides who don’t have to fear that their opinions will be wrested later from them by a congressional committee unhappy with a president’s decisions.
It’s a potent privilege, but it’s not absolute. When the Supreme Court overrode it with a unanimous 1974 decision ordering president Richard Nixon to turn over Watergate tapes to a special prosecutor, chief justice Warren Burger made it clear that the court was looking only at that particular case. It was not concerned, he wrote, with broader questions of “the balance between the president’s generalized interest in confidentiality” and “Congressional demands for information.”
That language, however, neatly points up the right-versus-right nature of the current debate on the firings. The dilemma lies between the compelling moral arguments for the president’s “interest in confidentiality” and the equally powerful moral claims for Congress’s “demands for information.” As a nation, we’re torn on this one. We want our decision makers to have access to private, back-channel conversations that remain off the record until some distant archival future. Anyone who thinks otherwise need only consider the damage to democracy done by relentless open-meeting laws requiring state and local officials forever to grandstand for audience applause, rather than permitting them to deliberate, sometimes privately, for the public good. But we also want information, especially when power and pride conspire to keep it hidden. Anyone who thinks otherwise need only read up on the Nixon years and the Vietnam era.
But by what logic does this current ethical dilemma lead to so curious a compromise on top-level testimony? The Justice Department already has allowed some of its staff to testify under oath and on the record. It also has provided thousands of pages of documents related to the firings. Why would the White House allow some of its highest-ranking officials — the president’s chief political advisor, Karl Rove, and Harriet Miers, the former White House counsel — to participate only in “informal conversations” with congressional committee members, while lesser-known individuals have to abide by a tougher standard? One excuse — that an antagonistic Congress might turn these hearings into a show trial — may have merit, although the public surely understands that in order to protect confidentiality, those being questioned have the right to refuse to be drawn into certain lines of questioning.
For an administration struggling to retain the public trust, this compromise sends sorry signals. It says, “We don’t want to be held accountable for speaking honestly. If you later quote us, we want to be able to say, ‘I never said that.’ We want it all left in the he-said-she-said realm, without a transcript to back you up.” More important, it says that while lower-level officials are held to account for truth-telling, the nation’s top leadership is not.
That’s the most damaging message. Wherever you go these days to inquire about successful ethical standards and practices — whether to corporations, schools, nonprofits, government agencies, military organizations, or the professions — you hear four words: tone at the top. Nothing is seen to sustain a culture of integrity more powerfully than the visible values of senior leadership. And nothing erodes it faster than a do-as-we-say-not-as-we-do attitude. If leadership won’t hold itself to moral account, who will? The possible answers are chillingly simple: (a) no one, (b) public opinion, or (c) the regulators. If no one does, the anarchic spiral has begun. If public opinion does, even well-entrenched leaders can find themselves summarily ousted. If the regulators do, the powerful right-versus-right crosscurrents so necessary to any organization’s moral progress get reduced to mere points of compliance with personal responsibility draining away into over-lawyered adjudication.
It’s often said of ethical matters that the devil is in the details. This case is different. Down in the details, it looks logical — sort of. The devil is in the big-picture optics. Better the moral courage that says, “We’re not testifying, period!” than the compromise that appears to say, “We’ll testify, but we can’t promise truth-telling.”
©2007 Institute for Global Ethics
“It was a running joke that some of the new faces were 25- to 32-year-old males asking, ‘First name, last name?’ Some people didn’t care; it bothered me and a couple of other leaders, but we didn’t want to make a big stink because we didn’t want to look paranoid. We applied to the F.B.I. under the Freedom of Information Act to see if there’s a file, but the answer came back that ‘we cannot confirm or deny.’ “
– Marco Ceglie, a member of the satirical Billionaires for Bush protest group, talking to the New York Times about the New York Police Department’s infiltration of protest groups before the 2004 Republican National Convention.
After reviewing secret police documents and other files, the Times reported over the weekend that “teams of undercover New York City police officers traveled to cities across the country, Canada and Europe to conduct covert observations of people who planned to protest at the convention,” maintaining secret files on organizations and protestors planning protests, even when no illegal activities were planned.
The Times notes that “before monitoring political activity, the police must have ’some indication of unlawful activity on the part of the individual or organization to be investigated,’ ” according to a district court ruling last month.
The NYPD says it did nothing wrong and that all surveillance activities were approved by a court. The police department is fighting a series of “federal lawsuits that were brought over mass arrests made during the convention,” notes the Times.
WASHINGTON
Three ethics stories topped U.S. political news last week:
VARIOUS DATELINES
The ethics implications of organ donation were featured in several stories in the world press last week. Among the top items:
WASHINGTON
Gifts and cash are given routinely to doctors by drug companies, and disclosure laws designed to shed light on the practice are largely ineffective, according to a study published in the Journal of the American Medial Association.
Newsday reports that Dr. Peter Lurie, deputy director of a Washington, D.C., watchdog group and a coauthor of the study, says that even in the five states where there are disclosure laws, the gifts still fail to appear on the public radar.
He tells Newsday that it is important for consumers to know what kind of gifts doctors receive because they may affect the kind of medication and treatment the patient receives.
“The gifts may take the form of educational fees, cash, a check or a meal,” Lurie told Newsday. “These things are not benign. Social science literature makes the argument that even with small gifts, recipients feel the need to reciprocate in some way. If you’re a doctor, the easiest way to do so is to prescribe the company’s drug.”
Scientific American reports that drug company payments also can take the form of consulting fees and a practice known as “detailing,” in which doctors are paid to see drug-company representatives during the workday.
The study looked at new laws in Vermont and Minnesota, and concludes that major pharmaceutical firms there made millions of dollars in payments and gifts to doctors but failed to disclose them.
According to UPI, the companies circumvented the laws by classifying the payments as trade secrets, shielding the identities of the recipients.
ABC News reports that study co-author Joseph Ross explains that classifying payments to doctors as “trade secrets” exempts them from disclosure under state law, even though other records made it apparent that millions had been paid out to physicians.
A summary of the results from the Journal of the American Medical Association also claimed that records were difficult to access, requiring extensive negotiation with state officials in Vermont and manual sorting of paper copies in Minnesota.
CHICAGO
The trial of Conrad Black, a former Canadian press baron charged with looting the company he founded, opened last week in Chicago, featuring not only the expected legal wrangling over the various fraud, racketeering, and obstruction charges, but also a glimpse into the national and international perspectives on CEOs and white-collar crime.
The flamboyant Black, who renounced his Canadian citizenship in order to become a member of the British peerage, was portrayed as both villain and victim in opening arguments, reports the Chicago Tribune. Prosecutors charged that Black and co-conspirators duped shareholders through a scheme based on lies and half-truths, while the defense claimed that a business partner schemed against Black, stealing from Black and then agreeing to testify against him in a plea deal.
Reports from the Winnipeg Free Press and the CTV television network note that prosecutors also attacked the tycoon’s lifestyle, including allegations that he funded lavish vacations with corporate money.
In the wake of various Enron-type scandals, white-collar trials increasingly have focused on corporate greed, leading some international observers, such as the London-based Guardian’s Naomi Klein, to speculate that Black is “on trial in a nation that loathes its elites,” arguing that the “jury selection process shows how regular Americans now regard the wealthiest few not as heroes but as thieves.”
Klein writes that Black might have found a sympathetic jury in the United States in 2000, when the stock market was soaring. But in 2007, “he came face to face with the boom’s collapse…. As the judge questioned a pool of 140 prospective jurors in order to whittle the group down to 12, plus eight alternates, she found men and women who had ‘lost every dime’ in the WorldCom collapse, whose pensions had evaporated on the stock market, who had been fired thanks to outsourcing, and who’d had their finances ravaged by identity theft.”
Klein concludes: “Asked what they thought of executives who earn tens of millions of dollars, jurors answered almost uniformly in the negative. ‘Who could possibly do that much work or be that capable?’ one asked.”
PALO ALTO, Calif.
Even though California’s criminal probe into the Hewlett-Packard (HP) spy scandal essentially disintegrated, prosecutors say the high-profile case will deter similar spying and contend that justice still may be served when and if restitution penalties are assessed.
In mid-March, a judge dropped all charges against former HP chairwoman Patricia Dunn, and three other defendants avoided jail time by pleading guilty to misdemeanors, agreeing to community service and yet-unspecified restitution.
While a federal probe remains active, the sputtering finish to the state case does not bode well for federal prosecutors, with legal experts saying the case appears weak, reports the Associated Press.
The case shook the reputation of the venerable high-tech manufacturer when it was revealed that high executives had condoned a scheme in which private investigators impersonated board members in order to trick phone company workers into turning over private calling records, which were then used to trace which board members had leaked information to the press.
Bloomberg reports that the California attorney general’s office said that the practice of impersonating others, known as pretexting, has dropped dramatically in the aftermath of the investigation.
Reuters quotes California deputy attorney general Robert Morgester as saying that while pretexting used to be “an out-of-control problem, it has almost vanished.”
But one wrinkle in the case remains, notes the San Jose Mercury News: restitution to victims whose privacy was invaded.
As part of the disposition of the case, the attorney general will formally ask victims if they would like to seek restitution.
The proposed remedy “raises the provocative question of ‘What’s your privacy worth?’ ” said Kirk Hanson, executive director of the Markkula Center for Applied Ethics at Santa Clara University.
Hanson says restitution in this case is a particularly perplexing moral issue because apparently no victim has lost any money, but invasion of privacy can exact an emotional toll.
“There is a psychic value to privacy,” Hanson told the Mercury-News. “That empty feeling can last a long time after your house has been burglarized. Similarly, there is psychic damage done when you find that someone has been looking through your trash or your phone records.”
VARIOUS DATELINES
The evolving ethics of the Internet era figured in four major stories last week:
BOSTON
A report from the Christian Science Monitor notes that while business schools are upping their offerings in ethics in the post-Enron world, not everyone is convinced that coursework will change behavior when students reach the executive office.
Monitor correspondent Jeffrey MacDonald notes that a recent survey indicates the number of stand-alone ethics courses in MBA curricula has shot up by 500 percent since 1988, and that many business schools have centers dedicated to ethics, corporate responsibility, or sustainability.
But while several experts cited in the piece predict that ethics education will have an impact much like the previous wave of entrepreneurial education, others want to see the evidence.
“It’s unrealistic to expect people’s behavior is going to change because they sit in classes,” Marshall Goldsmith, an executive coach based in San Diego and a part-time lecturer at Dartmouth College’s Tuck School of Business, told the Monitor. “Is there any proof in any executive education … that anyone who went to any course ever changed any behavior as measured by anyone else over any period of time? Not that I know of.”
Some take a middle ground, such as John Bruhn, a former Penn State-Harrisburg provost who now runs a management consultancy specializing in ethics.
“No one is going to come out of those courses as a different person,” Bruhn told the Monitor. “The thing those courses are going to do is create awareness. They’re not going to change behavior because ethics is learned by modeling, not by reading a bunch of books over a weekend.”
CHICAGO
Primates show basic elements of morality, say researchers attending what is billed as the first major conference devoted to the thinking processes of chimps.
The Chicago Tribune news service reports that participants at the Lincoln Park Zoo conference are studying such case histories as that of Knuckles, a chimp who has cerebral palsy that prevents him from defending himself, but nonetheless is not subject to the typical aggression of chimp society, apparently because his counterparts have compassion for their fellow chimp.
The New York Times notes that the moral aspects of chimp life have been noted before. “Chimpanzees, who cannot swim, have drowned in zoo moats trying to save others,” writes reporter Nicholas Wade. “Given the chance to get food by pulling a chain that would also deliver an electric shock to a companion, rhesus monkeys will starve themselves for several days,” he adds.
“Biologists argue that these and other social behaviors are the precursors of human morality,” Wade writes. “They further believe that if morality grew out of behavioral rules shaped by evolution, it is for biologists, not philosophers or theologians, to say what these rules are.”
But a report from the Washington Post argues that the human-animal morality connection cuts both ways. Frans de Waal, a speaker at the Chicago conference, recounts several incidents in which bad human behavior, such as a corporate executive tossing a chair, is reflective of chimp aggression, as is the behavior of a boss who scolds a subordinate for talking in the hallway with someone of whom he did not approve.
“Chimpanzees also divide and rule,” de Waal told the Post. “You have an alpha male, and he will try to keep his supporters away from his rivals. His supporters are in trouble if they groom one of his rivals.”
From the Financial Times/Harris Interactive®:
“This latest Financial Times/Harris Poll shows that except in Spain, majorities or pluralities of adults in the five largest European countries believe that life in their country has become worse since it became part of the European Union (EU)…. Spanish adults are the most positive about the effect that joining the EU has had on their country, with more than half (53%) stating that life has gotten better. In the other countries substantial proportions in (Britain 52%, France 50%, Italy 47%, and Germany 44%) feel that life in their country has gotten worse since their countries joined the EU.
“Only in Great Britain is there a plurality of adults who think that life would be better if they left the EU. A majority in Spain and pluralities in France, Italy and Germany think that life would be worse….
“Attitudes to the EU are lukewarm at best and often negative. And yet, majorities or pluralities want to see the EU doing more, rather than less, on a broad range of activities and issues.
“Humphrey Taylor, chairman of the Harris Poll at Harris Interactive states, ‘This suggests that majorities in the five countries support a strong European entity while often disliking what it does and how it operates.’
“Some other highlights from the poll:
“There are a terrible lot of lies going around the world, and the worst of it is half of them are true.”
– Sir Winston Churchill (British statesman and prime minister, 1874-1965)
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